In India’s Karnataka state, the governor is favoring the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to form a government, despite an opposition coalition having won more seats in the state legislature. The ongoing controversy has drawn attention to the way in which a constitutional position has been reduced to serving the political interests of India’s ruling party.
Strong public institutions that operate above the cut and thrust of the political fray are vital to any democracy. Yet in the last four years, every such priceless institution in the world’s largest democracy, India, has come under threat, as the BJP’s assertive Hindu-chauvinist government works to consolidate its own authority.
Leave aside governors (the BJP asked all to resign to make way for political appointees soon after its 2014 election victory) and start with the judicial system, which has come under scrutiny since January, when the Supreme Court’s four most senior judges held an unprecedented press conference to question Chief Justice Dipak Misra’s allocation of cases. Misra, their comments implied, was assigning cases to his preferred judges, presumably (though this was never stated) in an effort to secure outcomes favoring the government.
Three months later, several opposition parties circulated an impeachment motion against Misra in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of parliament. After the Rajya Sabha’s chairman, Indian Vice President Venkaiah Naidu, rejected the motion, two MPs asked the Supreme Court to challenge that decision. But Misra named a bench seemingly favorable to him to hear their appeal – prompting the MPs to withdraw their case. Misra may be safe, but the judiciary’s image has taken a beating from which it will not easily recover.
The reputation of India’s Election Commission (EC) – which has a decades-long record of conducting free and fair elections, despite comprising largely retired civil servants appointed by the government for fixed tenures – also took a severe blow last year. In a break from its Code of Conduct, the EC’s BJP-appointed then-chief, Achal Kumar Jyoti, announced the dates for elections in Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat 13 days apart, even though the two states normally go to the polls simultaneously. The EC claimed that it delayed the announcement on Gujarat so that the electoral Code of Conduct (which would restrict government spending in the state) would not impede flood relief. But most Indians believe that the BJP pressured the EC to delay the announcement as long as possible, so that it could attract voters with last-minute giveaways that had nothing to do with flood relief. The Gujarat government and even Prime Minister Narendra Modi subsequently announced several such schemes. Former election commissioners unanimously condemned the EC’s decision, to no avail.
Making matters worse, the EC decided in January to disqualify 20 Aam Aadmi Party members of the Delhi Legislature on technical grounds – an action that could have benefited the BJP if by-elections to their seats had followed. The Delhi High Court overruled that decision, calling it “bad in law” and “violating principles of natural justice.” But, as in the case of the judiciary, the damage was done: what was once the impartial custodian of India’s democratic process has – under BJP pressure &ndas
Source: https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/bjp-attack-india-democratic-institutions-by-shashi-thar